From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
  (Redirected from Masculine)
Jump to navigation Jump to search
In Roman mythology, Mars was the god of war and masculinity.

Masculinity (also called manhood or manliness) is a set of attributes, behaviors, and roles associated with boys and men. Although masculinity is socially constructed,[1] some research indicates that some behaviors considered masculine are biologically influenced.[1][2][3][4] To what extent masculinity is biologically or socially influenced is subject to debate.[2][3][4] It is distinct from the definition of the biological male sex,[5][6] as both males and females can exhibit masculine traits.[7]

Standards of manliness or masculinity vary across different cultures and historical periods.[8] Traits traditionally viewed as masculine in Western society include strength, courage, independence, leadership, and assertiveness.[9][10][11][12]

Machismo is a form of masculinity that emphasizes power and is often associated with a disregard for consequences and responsibility.[13] Virility (from the Latin vir, "man") is similar to masculinity, but especially emphasizes strength, energy, and sex drive.


Masculine qualities and roles are considered typical of, appropriate for, and expected of boys and men.

The academic study of masculinity received increased attention during the late 1980s and early 1990s, with the number of courses on the subject in the United States rising from 30 to over 300.[14] This has sparked investigation of the intersection of masculinity with concepts from other fields, such as the social construction of gender difference[15] (prevalent in a number of philosophical and sociological theories).

Both males and females can exhibit masculine traits and behavior. Those exhibiting both masculine and feminine characteristics are considered androgynous, and feminist philosophers have argued that gender ambiguity may blur gender classification.[16][17]


The concept of masculinity varies historically and culturally.[18]:1–3 Since what constitutes masculinity has varied by time and place, according to Raewyn Connell, it is more appropriate to discuss "masculinities" than a single overarching concept.[19]:185


Painting of Odysseus leaning on a ship
Odysseus, hero of the Odyssey

Ancient literature dates back to about 3000 BC, with explicit expectations for men in the form of laws and implied masculine ideals in myths of gods and heroes. According to the Code of Hammurabi (about 1750 BC):

  • Rule 3: "If any one bring an accusation of any crime before the elders, and does not prove what he has charged, he shall, if it be a capital offense charged, be put to death."
  • Rule 128: "If a man takes a woman to wife, but has no intercourse with her, this woman is no wife to him."[20]

In the Hebrew Bible of 1000 BC, when King David of Israel drew near to death, he told his son Solomon: "I go the way of all the earth: be thou strong therefore, and shew thyself a man".[21]

In his book Germania (98 AD), Tacitus stated that the men from the ancient Germanic tribes fought aggressively in battle to protect their women from capture by the enemy.[22][23][24]

"It stands on record that armies already wavering and on the point of collapse have been rallied by the women, pleading heroically with their men, thrusting forward their bared bosoms, and making them realize the imminent prospect of enslavement - a fate which the Germans fear more desperately for their women than for themselves." -Tacitus (Germania)[25]

Tacitus presented the Germanic warrior Arminius as a masculine hero in his account of ancient Germany whose already violent nature was further heightened by the abduction of his beloved wife Thusnelda by the Roman general Germanicus. In his rage Arminius demanded war against the Roman empire.[26][27][28][29]

Medieval and Victorian eras[edit]

Beowulf, holding a sword, blocks a dragon's fire with his shield.
Beowulf fighting the dragon

Jeffrey Richards describes a European "medieval masculinity which was essentially Christian and chivalric".[30] Courage, respect for women of all classes and generosity characterize the portrayal of men in literary history.[citation needed] According to David Rosen, the traditional view of scholars (such as J. R. R. Tolkien) that Beowulf is a tale of medieval heroism overlooks the similarities between Beowulf and the monster Grendel. The masculinity exemplified by Beowulf "cut[s] men off from women, other men, passion and the household".[31]

During the Victorian era, masculinity underwent a transformation from traditional heroism. Scottish philosopher Thomas Carlyle wrote in 1831: "The old ideal of Manhood has grown obsolete, and the new is still invisible to us, and we grope after it in darkness, one clutching this phantom, another that; Werterism, Byronism, even Brummelism, each has its day".[32]

Boxing was professionalized in America and Europe in the 19th century; it emphasized the physical and confrontational aspects of masculinity.[33] Bare-knuckle fighting without gloves represented "the manly art" in 19th-century America.[34]

Twentieth century to present[edit]

At the beginning of the twentieth century, a traditional family consisted of the father as breadwinner and the mother as homemaker.[clarification needed] Despite women's increasing participation in the paid labor force and contributions to family income, men's identities remained centered on their working lives and specifically their economic contributions.[clarification needed] In 1963, social theorist Erving Goffman's seminal work on stigma management presented a list of traits prescribed as categorically masculine for American men:

In an important sense there is only one complete unblushing male in America: a young, married, white, urban, northern, heterosexual Protestant father of college education, fully employed, of good complexion, weight and height, and a recent record in sports.[35]:128

Writing in 1974, R. Gould asserted that the provider role was central to adult men's identities, as masculinity is often measured by the size of a man's economic contribution to the family.[36] Masculinity is also secured by denying any semblance of softness, emotion, femininity, or any characteristic associated with women.[37][clarification needed] Overwhelmingly, the construction of masculinity most valued in the latter part of the twentieth century and the early 21st century is one that is independent, sexually assertive, and athletic, among other normative markers of manhood.[38][39][dubious ]

There is some evidence of masculinities undergoing shifts in the contemporary social landscape.[contradictory] Characteristic of present-day masculinity is men's willingness to counter stereotypes.[clarification needed] Regardless of age or nationality, a 2008 study showed that men frequently rank good health, a harmonious family life and a good relationship with their spouse or partner as more important to their quality of life than physical attractiveness and success with women.[40]


Carpenter in a hard hat using a hand drill outdoors
An early color photograph of a construction worker

Nature versus nurture[edit]

Scholars have debated the extent to which gender identity and gender-specific behaviors are due to socialization versus biological factors.[4]:29[41][42] Social and biological influences are thought to be mutually interacting during development.[4]:29[3]:218-225 Studies of prenatal androgen exposure have provided some evidence that femininity and masculinity are partly biologically determined.[2]:8-9[3]:153-154 Other possible biological influences include evolution, genetics, epigenetics, and hormones (both during development and in adulthood).[4]:29-31[2]:7-13[3]:153-154 Scholars suggest that innate differences between the sexes are compounded or exaggerated by the influences of social factors.[43][44][45]

Social construction of masculinity[edit]

In many cultures, displaying characteristics not typical of one's gender may be a social problem. In sociology, this labeling is known as gender assumptions and is part of socialization to meet the mores of a society. Non-standard behavior may be considered indicative of homosexuality, despite the fact that gender expression, gender identity and sexual orientation are widely accepted as distinct concepts.[46][when?][where?] When sexuality is defined in terms of object choice (as in early sexology studies), male homosexuality is interpreted as effeminacy.[47] Social disapproval of excessive masculinity may be expressed as "machismo"[13] or by neologisms such as "testosterone poisoning".[48]

Some believe that masculinity is linked to the male body; in this view, masculinity is associated with male genitalia.[18]:3 Others have suggested that although masculinity may be influenced by biology, it is also a cultural construct. Proponents of this view argue that women can become men hormonally and physically,[18]:3 and many aspects of masculinity assumed to be natural are linguistically and culturally driven.[49] It is argued that masculinity does not have a single source. Although the military has a vested interest in constructing and promoting a specific form of masculinity, it does not create it.[18]:17–21 Facial hair is linked to masculinity through language, in stories about boys becoming men when they begin to shave.[18]:30–31

Some social scientists conceptualize masculinity (and femininity) as a performance.[50][51][52] Gender performances may not necessarily be intentional and people may not even be aware of the extent to which they are performing gender, as one outcome of lifelong gender socialization is the feeling that one's gender is "natural" or biologically-ordained.

Masculine performance varies over the life course, but also from one context to another. For instance, the sports world may elicit more traditionally normative masculinities in participants than would other settings.[53] Men who exhibit a tough and aggressive masculinity on the sports field may display a softer masculinity in familial contexts. Masculinities vary by social class as well. Studies suggest working class constructions of masculinity to be more normative than are those from middle class men and boys.[54][55] As these contexts and comparisons illustrate, theorists suggest a multiplicity of masculinities, not simply one single construction of masculinity.[51]

Historian Kate Cooper wrote: "Wherever a woman is mentioned a man's character is being judged – and along with it what he stands for."[56] Scholars cite integrity and equality as masculine values in male-male relationships.[57]


Gay men are considered by some to "deviate from the masculine norm" and are benevolently stereotyped as "gentle and refined", even by other gay men. According to gay human-rights campaigner Peter Tatchell:

Contrary to the well-intentioned claim that gays are "just the same" as straights, there is a difference. What is more, the distinctive style of gay masculinity is of great social benefit. Wouldn't life be dull without the flair and imagination of queer fashion designers and interior decorators? How could the NHS cope with no gay nurses, or the education system with no gay teachers? Society should thank its lucky stars that not all men turn out straight, macho and insensitive. The different hetero and homo modes of maleness are not, of course, biologically fixed.[58]

Psychologist Joseph Pleck argues that a hierarchy of masculinity exists largely as a dichotomy of homosexual and heterosexual males: "Our society uses the male heterosexual-homosexual dichotomy as a central symbol for all the rankings of masculinity, for the division on any grounds between males who are "real men" and have power, and males who are not".[59] Michael Kimmel adds that the trope "You're so gay" indicates a lack of masculinity, rather than homosexual orientation.[60] According to Pleck, to avoid male oppression of women, themselves and other men, patriarchal structures, institutions and discourse must be eliminated from Western society.

In the documentary The Butch Factor, gay men (one of them transgender) were asked about their views of masculinity. Masculine traits were generally seen as an advantage in and out of the closet, allowing "butch" gay men to conceal their sexual orientation longer while engaged in masculine activities such as sports. Effeminacy is inaccurately[46] associated with homosexuality,[47] and some gay men doubted their sexual orientation; they did not see themselves as effeminate, and felt little connection to gay culture.[61] Some effeminate gay men in The Butch Factor felt uncomfortable about their femininity (despite being comfortable with their sexuality),[62] and feminine gay men may be derided by stereotypically-masculine gays.[63]

Feminine-looking men tended to come out earlier after being labeled gay by their peers. More likely to face bullying and harassment throughout their lives,[61] they are taunted by derogatory words (such as "sissy") implying feminine qualities. Effeminate, "campy" gay men sometimes use what John R. Ballew called "camp humor", such as referring to one another by female pronouns (according to Ballew, "a funny way of defusing hate directed toward us [gay men]"); however, such humor "can cause us [gay men] to become confused in relation to how we feel about being men".[64] He further stated:

[Heterosexual] men are sometimes advised to get in touch with their "inner feminine." Maybe gay men need to get in touch with their "inner masculine" instead. Identifying those aspects of being a man we most value and then cultivate those parts of our selves can lead to a healthier and less distorted sense of our own masculinity.[64]

A study by the Center for Theoretical Study at Charles University in Prague and the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic found significant differences in shape among the faces of heterosexual and gay men, with gay men having more "stereotypically masculine" features ("undermin[ing] stereotypical notions of gay men as more feminine looking.")[65]

Gay men have been presented in the media as feminine and open to ridicule, although films such as Brokeback Mountain are countering the stereotype.[64] A recent development is the portrayal of gay men in the LGBT community as "bears", a subculture of gay men celebrating rugged masculinity[66][67] and "secondary sexual characteristics of the male: facial hair, body hair, proportional size, baldness".[68]

Second-wave pro-feminism paid greater attention to issues of sexuality, particularly the relationship between homosexual men and hegemonic masculinity. This shift led to increased cooperation between the men's liberation and gay liberation movements developing, in part, because masculinity was understood as a social construct and in response to the universalization of "men" in previous men's movements. Men's-rights activists worked to stop second-wave feminists from influencing the gay-rights movement, promoting hypermasculinity as inherent to gay sexuality.[69]

Masculinity has played an important role in lesbian culture,[70] although lesbians vary widely in the degree to which they express masculinity and femininity. In LGBT cultures, masculine women are often referred to as "butch".[71][72][73]

Hegemonic masculinity[edit]

Two men wrestling in a gymnasium, watched by a group of uninformed soldiers
Contests of physical skill and strength appear in some form in many cultures. Here, two U.S. Marines compete in a wrestling match.

Traditional avenues for men to gain honor were providing for their families and exercising leadership.[74] Raewyn Connell has labeled traditional male roles and privileges hegemonic masculinity, encouraged in men and discouraged in women: "Hegemonic masculinity can be defined as the configuration of gender practice which embodies the currently accepted answer to the problem of the legitimacy of patriarchy, which guarantees the dominant position of men and the subordination of women".[19]:77 Connell (1987) placed emphasis on heterosexuality and its influence on the construction of gender. From this perspective, in every social system there is a dominant (hegemonic) and idealised form of masculinity and an apotheosised form of femininity that is considered as proper for men and women. This idealised form of masculinity (hegemonic masculinity) legitimates and normalises certain performances of men, and pathologises, marginalises, and subordinates any other expressions of masculinities or femininities (masculine and feminine subject positions). Alongside hegemonic masculinity, Connell postulated that there are other forms of masculinities (marginalised and subordinated), which according to the findings of a plethora of studies are constructed in oppressive ways (Thorne 1993). This is symptomatic of the fact that hegemonic masculinity is relational, which means that it is constructed in relation to and against an Other (emphasised femininity, marginalised and subordinated masculinities).[75] In addition to describing forceful articulations of violent masculine identities, hegemonic masculinity has also been used to describe implicit, indirect, or coercive forms of gendered socialisation, enacted through video games, fashion, humour, and so on.[76]

Precarious manhood[edit]

Researchers have argued that the "precariousness" of manhood contributes to traditionally-masculine behavior.[77] "Precarious" means that manhood is not inborn, but must be achieved. In many cultures, boys endure painful initiation rituals to become men. Manhood may also be lost, as when a man is derided for not "being a man". Researchers have found that men respond to threats to their manhood by engaging in stereotypically-masculine behaviors and beliefs, such as supporting hierarchy, espousing homophobic beliefs, supporting aggression and choosing physical tasks over intellectual ones.[78]

In 2014, Winegard and Geary wrote that the precariousness of manhood involves social status (prestige or dominance), and manhood may be more (or less) precarious due to the avenues men have for achieving status.[79]

In women[edit]

Vaudeville trapeze artist and strongwoman, Charmion

Although often ignored in discussions of masculinity, women can also express masculine traits and behaviors.[80][81] In Western culture, female masculinity has been codified into identities such as "tomboy" and "butch". Although female masculinity is often associated with lesbianism, expressing masculinity is not necessarily related to a woman's sexuality. In feminist philosophy, female masculinity is often characterized as a type of gender performance which challenges traditional masculinity and male dominance.[82] Zachary A. Kramer argues that the discussion of masculinity should be opened up "to include constructions of masculinity that uniquely affect women."[83] Masculine women are often subject to social stigma and harassment, although the influence of the feminist movement has led to greater acceptance of women expressing masculinity in recent decades.[84] Women with stereotypically masculine personality traits are more likely to gain access to high-paying occupations than women with feminine personality traits.[85][non-primary source needed]

Women who participate in sports, especially male-dominated sports, are sometimes derided as being masculine. Even though most sports emphasize stereotypically masculine qualities, such as strength, competition, and aggression, women who participate in sports are still expected to conform to strictly feminine gender norms. This is known as the "female/athlete paradox". Although traditional gender norms are gradually changing, female athletes, especially those that participate in male-dominated sports such as boxing, weight lifting, American football, ice hockey, and motor sports, are still often viewed as deviating from the boundaries of femininity and may suffer repercussions such as discrimination or mistreatment from administrators, harassment by fans, and decreased media attention.[86]


Silhouetted man drinking a glass of beer
A British soldier drinks a glass of beer after his return from Afghanistan. Fighting in wars and drinking alcohol are both traditionally masculine activities in many cultures.

Evidence points to the negative impact of hegemonic masculinity on men's health-related behavior, with American men making 134.5 million fewer physician visits per year than women. Twenty-five percent of men aged 45 to 60 do not have a personal physician, increasing their risk of death from heart disease. Men between 25 and 65 are four times more likely to die from cardiovascular disease than women, and are more likely to be diagnosed with a terminal illness because of their reluctance to see a doctor. Reasons cited for not seeing a physician include fear, denial, embarrassment, a dislike of situations out of their control and the belief that visiting a doctor is not worth the time or cost.[87]

Studies of men in North America and Europe show that men who consume alcoholic drinks often do so in order to fulfill certain social expectations of manliness. While the causes of drinking and alcoholism are complex and varied, gender roles and social expectations have a strong influence encouraging men to drink.[88][89]

In 2004, Arran Stibbe published an analysis of a well-known men's-health magazine in 2000. According to Stibbe, although the magazine ostensibly focused on health it also promoted traditional masculine behaviors such as excessive consumption of convenience foods and meat, alcohol consumption and unsafe sex.[90]

Research on beer-commercial content by Lance Strate[91] yielded results relevant to a study of masculinity.[92] In beer commercials, masculine behavior (especially risk-taking) is encouraged. Commercials often focus on situations in which a man overcomes an obstacle in a group, working or playing hard (construction or farm workers or cowboys). Those involving play have central themes of mastery (of nature or each other), risk and adventure: fishing, camping, playing sports or socializing in bars. There is usually an element of danger and a focus on movement and speed (watching fast cars or driving fast). The bar is a setting for the measurement of masculinity in skills such as billiards, strength, and drinking ability.[91] Men engage in positive health practices, such as reducing fat intake and alcohol, to conform to masculine ideals.[93][clarification needed]


Study of the history of masculinity emerged during the 1980s, aided by the fields of women's and (later) gender history. Before women's history was examined, there was a "strict gendering of the public/private divide"; regarding masculinity, this meant little study of how men related to the household, domesticity and family life.[94] Although women's historical role was negated, despite the writing of history by (and primarily about) men, a significant portion of the male experience was missing. This void was questioned during the late 1970s, when women's history began to analyze gender and women to deepen the female experience.[95] Joan Scott's seminal article, calling for gender studies as an analytical concept to explore society, power and discourse, laid the foundation for this field.[96]

According to Scott, gender should be used in two ways: productive and produced. Productive gender examined its role in creating power relationships, and produced gender explored the use and change of gender throughout history. This has influenced the field of masculinity, as seen in Pierre Bourdieu's definition of masculinity: produced by society and culture, and reproduced in daily life.[97] A flurry of work in women's history led to a call for study of the male role (initially influenced by psychoanalysis) in society and emotional and interpersonal life. Connell wrote that these initial works were marked by a "high level of generality" in "broad surveys of cultural norms". The scholarship was aware of contemporary societal changes aiming to understand and evolve (or liberate) the male role in response to feminism.[19]:28John Tosh calls for a return to this aim for the history of masculinity to be useful, academically and in the public sphere.[98]

Two concerns over the study of the history of masculinity are that it would stabilize the historical process (rather than change it) and that a cultural overemphasis on the approach to masculinity lacks the reality of actual experience. According to John Tosh, masculinity has become a conceptual framework used by historians to enhance their cultural explorations instead of a specialty in its own right.[99] This draws attention from reality to representation and meaning, not only in the realm of masculinity; culture was becoming "the bottom line, the real historical reality".[98] Tosh critiques Martin Francis' work of in this light because popular culture, rather than the experience of family life, is the basis for Francis' argument.[100] Francis uses contemporary literature and film to demonstrate that masculinity was restless, shying away from domesticity and commitment, during the late 1940s and 1950s.[100] Francis wrote that this flight from commitment was "most likely to take place at the level of fantasy (individual and collective)". In focusing on culture, it is difficult to gauge the degree to which films such as Scott of the Antarctic represented the era’s masculine fantasies.[100] Michael Roper’s call to focus on the subjectivity of masculinity addresses this cultural bias, because broad understanding is set aside for an examination "of what the relationship of the codes of masculinity is to actual men, to existential matters, to persons and to their psychic make-up" (Tosh's human experience).[101]

According to Tosh, the culture of masculinity has outlived its usefulness because it cannot fulfill the initial aim of this history (to discover how manhood was conditioned and experienced) and he urged "questions of behaviour and agency".[99] His work on Victorian masculinity uses individual experience in letters and sketches to illustrate broader cultural and social customs, such as birthing or Christmas traditions.[94]

Stefan Dudink believes that the methodological approach (trying to categorize masculinity as a phenomenon) undermined its historiographic development.[102] Abigail Solomou-Godeau’s work on post-revolutionary French art addresses a strong, constant patriarchy.[103]

Tosh’s overall assessment is that a shift is needed in conceptualizing the topic[99] back to the history of masculinity as a speciality aiming to reach a broader audience, rather than as an analytical tool of cultural and social history. The importance he places on public history hearkens back to the initial aims of gender history, which sought to use history to enlighten and change the present. Tosh appeals to historians to live up to the "social expectation" of their work,[99] which would also require a greater focus on subjectivity and masculinity. This view is contrary to Dudink’s; the latter called for an "outflanking movement" towards the history of masculinity, in response to the errors he perceived in the study.[102] This would do the opposite of what Tosh called for, deconstructing masculinity by not placing it at the center of historical exploration and using discourse and culture as indirect avenues towards a more-representational approach. In a study of the Low Countries, Dudink proposes moving beyond the history of masculinity by embedding analysis into the exploration of nation and nationalism (making masculinity a lens through which to view conflict and nation-building).[104] Martin Francis' work on domesticity through a cultural lens moves beyond the history of masculinity because "men constantly travelled back and forward across the frontier of domesticity, if only in the realm of the imagination"; normative codes of behavior do not fully encompass the male experience.[100]

Media images of boys and young men may lead to the persistence of harmful concepts of masculinity. According to men's-rights activists, the media does not address men's-rights issues and men are often portrayed negatively in advertising.[105] Peter Jackson called hegemonic masculinity "economically exploitative" and "socially oppressive": "The form of oppression varies from patriarchal controls over women's bodies and reproductive rights, through ideologies of domesticity, femininity and compulsory heterosexuality, to social definitions of the value of work, the nature of skill and the differential remuneration of 'productive' and 'reproductive' labor."[106]

Psychological research[edit]

According to a paper submitted by Tracy Tylka to the American Psychological Association, "Instead of seeing a decrease in objectification of women in society, there has just been an increase in the objectification of both sexes. And you can see that in the media today." Men and women restrict food intake in an effort to achieve what they consider an attractively-thin body; in extreme cases, this leads to eating disorders.[107] Psychiatrist Thomas Holbrook cited a recent Canadian study indicating that as many as one in six people with eating disorders are men.[108]

Research in the United Kingdom found, "Younger men and women who read fitness and fashion magazines could be psychologically harmed by the images of perfect female and male physiques." Young women and men exercise excessively in an effort to achieve what they consider an attractively-fit and muscular body, which may lead to body dysmorphic disorder or muscle dysmorphia.[109][110][111] Although the stereotypes may have remained constant, the value attached to masculine stereotypes has changed; it has been argued[by whom?] that masculinity is an unstable phenomenon, never ultimately achieved.[18]:30–31

In January 2019, the American Psychological Association warns that conforming to traditional standards of masculinity can cause harm to mental health.[112]

Gender-role stress[edit]

According to social learning theory, teaching boys to suppress vulnerable emotions, as in the saying "big boys don't cry", is a significant part of gender socialization in Western society.[113][114][115]

In 1987 Eisler and Skidmore studied masculinity, creating the idea of "masculine stress" and finding three elements of masculinity which often result in emotional stress:

  • The emphasis on prevailing in situations requiring body and fitness
  • Being perceived as emotional
  • The need for adequacy in sexual matters and financial status

Because of social norms and pressures associated with masculinity, men with spinal-cord injuries must adapt their self-identity to the losses associated with such injuries; this may "lead to feelings of decreased physical and sexual prowess with lowered self-esteem and a loss of male identity. Feelings of guilt and overall loss of control are also experienced."[116] Research also suggests that men feel social pressure to endorse traditional masculine male models in advertising. Brett Martin and Juergen Gnoth (2009) found that although feminine men privately preferred feminine models, they expressed a preference for traditional masculine models in public; according to the authors, this reflected social pressure on men to endorse traditional masculine norms.[117]

In their book Raising Cain: Protecting The Emotional Life of Boys, Dan Kindlon and Michael Thompson wrote that although all boys are born loving and empathic, exposure to gender socialization (the tough male ideal and hypermasculinity) limits their ability to function as emotionally-healthy adults. According to Kindlon and Thompson, boys lack the ability to understand and express emotions productively because of the stress imposed by masculine gender roles.[118]

In the article "Sexual Ethics, Masculinity and Mutual Vulnerability", Rob Cover works to unpack Judith Butler's study of masculinity. Cover goes over issues such as sexual assault and how it can be partially explained by a hypermasculinity.[119]

"Masculinity in crisis"[edit]

A theory of "masculinity in crisis" has emerged;[120][121] Australian archeologist Peter McAllister said, "I have a strong feeling that masculinity is in crisis. Men are really searching for a role in modern society; the things we used to do aren't in much demand anymore".[122] Others see the changing labor market as a source of stress. Deindustrialization and the replacement of smokestack industries by technology have allowed more women to enter the labor force, reducing its emphasis on physical strength.[123]:86–89

The crisis has also been attributed to the questioning of male dominance and rights granted to men solely on the basis of sex following the feminist movement.[123]:83–86 British sociologist John MacInnes wrote that "masculinity has always been in one crisis or another", suggesting that the crises arise from the "fundamental incompatibility between the core principle of modernity that all human beings are essentially equal (regardless of their sex) and the core tenet of patriarchy that men are naturally superior to women and thus destined to rule over them".[124]

According to John Beynon, masculinity and men are often conflated and it is unclear whether masculinity, men or both are in crisis. He writes that the "crisis" is not a recent phenomenon, illustrating several periods of masculine crisis throughout history (some predating the women's movement and post-industrial society), suggesting that due to masculinity's fluid nature "crisis is constitutive of masculinity itself".[123] Film scholar Leon Hunt also writes: "Whenever masculinity's 'crisis' actually started, it certainly seems to have been in place by the 1970s".[125]

East Asian cultures[edit]

In 2008, the word "herbivore men" became popular in Japan and was reported worldwide. Herbivore men refers to young Japanese men who naturally detach themselves from masculinity. Masahiro Morioka characterizes them as men 1) having gentle nature, 2) not bound by manliness, 3) not aggressive when it comes to romance, 4) viewing women as equals, and 5) hating emotional pain. Herbivore men are severely criticized by men who love masculinity.[126]

In Chinese and Taiwanese popular culture, phrases such as "男人" (literally: 'big man'), "" (literally: 'damned hetero male'), and "直男癌" (literally: 'straight male cancer') are used as pejoratives referring to men exhibiting misogyny, dominance, and homophobia.[127]

See also[edit]


  1. ^ a b Shehan, Constance L. (2018). Gale Researcher Guide for: The Continuing Significance of Gender. Gale, Cengage Learning. pp. 1–5. ISBN 9781535861175.
  2. ^ a b c d Martin, Hale; Finn, Stephen E. (2010). Masculinity and Femininity in the MMPI-2 and MMPI-A. University of Minnesota Press. pp. 5–13. ISBN 978-0-8166-2444-7.
  3. ^ a b c d e Lippa, Richard A. (2005). Gender, Nature, and Nurture (2nd ed.). Routledge. pp. 153–154, 218–225. ISBN 9781135604257.
  4. ^ a b c d e Wharton, Amy S. (2005). The Sociology of Gender: An Introduction to Theory and Research. John Wiley & Sons. pp. 29–31. ISBN 978-1-40-514343-1.
  5. ^ Ferrante, Joan (January 2010). Sociology: A Global Perspective (7th ed.). Belmont, CA: Thomson Wadsworth. pp. 269–272. ISBN 978-0-8400-3204-1.
  6. ^ "What do we mean by 'sex' and 'gender'?". World Health Organization. Archived from the original on 8 September 2014.
  7. ^ Halberstam, Judith (2004). "'Female masculinity'". In Kimmel, Michael S.; Aronson, Amy (eds.). Men and Masculinities: A Social, Cultural, and Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO. pp. 294–5. ISBN 978-1-57-607774-0.
  8. ^ Kimmel, Michael S.; Aronson, Amy, eds. (2004). Men and Masculinities: A Social, Cultural, and Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO. p. xxiii. ISBN 978-1-57-607774-0.
  9. ^ Kimmel, Michael S. (1994). "Masculinity as Homophobia: Fear, Shame, and Silence in the Construction of Gender Identity". Theorizing Masculinities. Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications, Inc. pp. 119–141. doi:10.4135/9781452243627. ISBN 9780803949041.
  10. ^ Vetterling-Braggin, Mary (1982). "Introduction". "Femininity", "masculinity", and "androgyny": a modern philosophical discussion. Totowa, N.J: Littlefield, Adams. p. 6. ISBN 9780822603993. the [personality] theorist might classify a person as "masculine" if the person thought that person to have any or all of the following P-traits [personality traits] - GROUP Y TRAITS: strength of will, ambition, courage, independence, assertiveness, aggressiveness, ...
  11. ^ Carli, Linda L. (2001). "Assertiveness". In Worell, Judith (ed.). Encyclopedia of women and gender: sex similarities and differences and the impact of society on gender, Volume 1. San Diego, California: Academic Press. pp. 157–168. ISBN 9780122272462.
  12. ^ Thomas, R. Murray (2001), "Feminist perspectives", in Thomas, R. Murray, ed. (2001). Recent theories of human development. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage. p. 248. ISBN 9780761922476. Gender feminists also consider traditional feminine traits (gentleness, modesty, humility, sacrifice, supportiveness, empathy, compassion, tenderness, nurturance, intuitiveness, sensitivity, unselfishness) morally superior to the traditional masculine traits (courage, strong will, ambition, independence, assertiveness, initiative, rationality and emotional control).
  13. ^ a b "Machismo (exaggerated masculinity) - Encyclopædia Britannica" (online ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. Retrieved 6 March 2015.
  14. ^ Bradley, Rolla M. (2008). Masculinity and self perception of men identified as informal leaders (PhD thesis). University of the Incarnate Word. OCLC 1004500685. View online preview.
  15. ^ Flood, Michael (2007). International encyclopedia of men and masculinities. London New York: Routledge. p. viii. ISBN 9780415333436.
  16. ^ Butler, Judith (2006) [1990]. Gender trouble: feminism and the subversion of identity. New York London: Routledge. ISBN 9780415389556.
  17. ^ Laurie, Timothy (2014). "The ethics of nobody I know: gender and the politics of description" (PDF). Qualitative Research Journal. 14 (1): 64–78. doi:10.1108/QRJ-03-2014-0011. hdl:10453/44221. Pdf.
  18. ^ a b c d e f Reeser, Todd W. (2010). Masculinities in theory: an introduction. Malden, Massachusetts: Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-4051-6859-5.
  19. ^ a b c Connell, R.W. (2005). Masculinities (2nd ed.). Cambridge: Polity. ISBN 9780745634265.
  20. ^ Hammurabi (1910). Hooker, Richard (ed.). The Code of Hammurabi. L.W. King (translator). Archived from the original on 14 May 2011.
  21. ^ "Bible Gateway passage: 1 Kings 2:2 - King James Version". Bible Gateway. Retrieved 29 September 2017.
  22. ^ "Tacitus - Germania |". Retrieved 2019-11-04.
  23. ^ "Internet History Sourcebooks Project". Retrieved 2019-11-04.
  24. ^ Tacitus. The Origin and Situation of the Germans.
  25. ^ "Tacitus' Germania". Retrieved 2019-11-04.
  26. ^ Tacitus, The Annals 1.59
  27. ^ "Arminius". Ancient History Encyclopedia. Retrieved 2019-11-04.
  28. ^ Torres, Danielle. "Who is Arminius?" (PDF). University of Vermont.
  29. ^ "Cornelius Tacitus, The Annals, BOOK 1, chapter 59". Retrieved 2019-11-04.
  30. ^ Richards, Jeffrey (1999). "From Christianity to Paganism: The New Middle Ages and the Values of 'Medieval' Masculinity". Cultural Values. 3 (2): 213–234. doi:10.1080/14797589909367162.
  31. ^ Rosen, David (1993), "The armor of the man-monster in Beowulf", in Rosen, David, ed. (1993). The changing fictions of masculinity. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. p. 11. ISBN 9780252063091.
  32. ^ Adams, James Eli (1995), "Introduction", in Adams, James Eli, ed. (1995). Dandies and desert saints: styles of Victorian masculinity. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. p. 1. ISBN 9780801482083.
  33. ^ Christopher David Thrasher, Fight Sports and American Masculinity: Salvation in Violence from 1607 to the Present (2015).
  34. ^ Elliott J. Gorn, The Manly Art: Bare-Knuckle Prize Fighting in America (1986).
  35. ^ Goffman, Erving. 1963. Stigma: Notes On The Management Of Spoiled Identity. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall.
  36. ^ Gould, R. 1974. Measuring masculinity by the size of a paycheck. In: J. Pleck & J. Sawyer (Eds.) Men and masculinity (pp. 96 – 100). Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall.
  37. ^ Pascoe, C. J. (2012). Dude, you're a fag : masculinity and sexuality in high school. Berkeley: University of California Press.
  38. ^ Pappas, Nick T., Patrick C. McKenry, & Beth Skilken Catlett. 2004. "Athlete Aggression on the Rink and off the Ice Athlete Violence and Aggression in Hockey and Interpersonal Relationships." Men and Masculinities 6:291-312.
  39. ^ Grazian, David. 2007. "The Girl Hunt: Urban Nightlife and the Performance of Masculinity as Collective Activity." Symbolic Interaction 30(2), 221-243. doi:10.1525/si.2007.30.2.221
  40. ^ "Research and insights from Indiana University" (Press release). Indiana University. 26 August 2008. Retrieved 13 March 2017.
  41. ^ van den Wijngaard, Marianne (1997). Reinventing the Sexes: The Biomedical Construction of Femininity and Masculinity. Indiana University Press. p. 1. ISBN 0-253-21087-9.
  42. ^ Pamela J. Kalbfleisch, Michael J. Cody (1995). Gender, power, and communication in human relationships. Psychology Press. p. 333. ISBN 0-8058-1404-3. Retrieved June 3, 2011.CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link)
  43. ^ Fausto-Sterling, Anne. 2014. "Where Does Gender Come From?" Footnote.
  44. ^ Wharton, Amy S. 2012. The Sociology of Gender, second edition. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell.
  45. ^ Birke, Lynda. 1992. "Transforming biology." Pp. 66-77 in Knowing Women: Feminism and Knowledge. Ed. by H. Crowley and S. Himmelweit. Polity/Open University.
  46. ^ a b "Gender identity and expression issues at colleges and universities". National Association of College and University Attorneys NACUAN. 2 June 2005. Archived from the original on 23 March 2014. Retrieved 2 April 2007.
  47. ^ a b Associated Press (7 April 2006). "Chrysler TV ad criticized for using gay stereotypes". The Advocate. Here Press. Archived from the original on 11 December 2008. Retrieved 7 April 2007.
  48. ^ Alda, Alan (October 1975). "What every woman should know about men". Ms. New York. Retrieved 6 March 2015.
  49. ^ Mills, Sara (2003). "Third wave feminist linguistics and the analysis of sexism". Discourse Analysis Online. 2 (1).
  50. ^ Butler, Judith (2006) [1990]. Gender trouble: feminism and the subversion of identity. New York London: Routledge.
  51. ^ a b Connell, R.W. (2005). Masculinities (2nd ed.). Cambridge: Polity.
  52. ^ West, Candace, and Don H. Zimmerman. 1987. “Doing Gender.” Gender & Society 1:125–151
  53. ^ Messner, Michael A. 1992. Power at Play: Sports and the Problem of Masculinity. Boston: Beacon Press.
  54. ^ Morris, Edward W. 2008. “Rednecks,” “Rutters,” and `Rithmetic: Social Class, Masculinity, and Schooling in a Rural Context." Gender & Society 22 (6): 728-751.
  55. ^ Martin, Karin A. 1996. Puberty, Sexuality, and the Self: Boys and Girls at Adolescence. New York: Routledge.
  56. ^ Cooper, Kate (1996), "Private lives, public meanings", in Cooper, Kate, ed. (1999). The virgin and the bride: idealized womanhood in late antiquity. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. p. 19. ISBN 9780674939509.
  57. ^ Bassi, Karen (January 2001). "Acting like men: gender, drama, and nostalgia in Ancient Greece". Classical Philology. 96 (1): 86–92. doi:10.1086/449528.
  58. ^ Tatchell, Peter (January 1999). "What straight men could learn from gay men - a queer kind of masculinity?". The Scavenger. Retrieved 7 March 2015.
  59. ^ Pleck, Joseph (2012-08-19). "Understanding patriarchy and men's power". National Organization for Men Against Sexism (NOMAS). Retrieved 11 Jan 2017.
  60. ^ Kimmel, Michael S.; Lewis, Summer (2004). Mars and Venus, Or, Planet Earth?: Women and Men in a New Millenium [sic]. Kansas State University. OCLC 57227710.
  61. ^ a b ifsbutscoconuts (23 March 2014). "The butch factor: masculinity from a gay male perspective (blog)". Retrieved 6 March 2015.
  62. ^ Curry, Tyler (1 October 2013). "The strength in being a feminine gay man". The Huffington Post. Retrieved 6 March 2015.
  63. ^ Jones, Darianna (7 July 2014). "Why do masculine gay guys look down on feminine guys?". Queerty. Retrieved 6 March 2015.
    See also: Jones, Darianna (9 July 2014). "An open letter to gay guys who look down on 'Fem Guys'". The Good Men Project. Retrieved 6 March 2015.
  64. ^ a b c Ballew, John R. "Gay men and masculinity (blog)". John R. Ballew. Retrieved 6 March 2015.
  65. ^ Saul, Heather (8 November 2013). "Gay and straight men may have different facial shapes, new study suggests". The Independent. Retrieved 6 March 2015. Their results found that homosexual men were rated as more stereotypically 'masculine' than heterosexual men, which they said undermined stereotypical notions of gay men as more feminine looking.
  66. ^ editors (17 April 2014). "When The Advocate Invented Bears". The Advocate. Here Media Inc. Retrieved 6 March 2015.
  67. ^ Mazzei, George (1979). "Who's Who in the Zoo?". The Advocate. Here Media Inc. pp. 42–43.
  68. ^ Suresha, Ron (2009), "Bearness's beautiful big blank: tracing the genome of ursomasculinity. An interview with Jack Fritscher", in Suresha, Ron, ed. (August 2009). Bears on bears: interviews & discussions. New London, Connecticut: Bear Bones Books. p. 83. ISBN 9781590212448.
  69. ^ Jeffreys, Sheila (2003). Unpacking queer politics: a lesbian feminist perspective. Cambridge Malden, Massachusetts: Polity Press. ISBN 9780745628387.
  70. ^ Halberstam, Judith (1998), "Lesbian masculinity: even stone butches get the blues", in Halberstam, Judith, ed. (1998). Female masculinity. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press. p. 119. ISBN 9780822322436.
  71. ^ Wickens, Kathryn. "Welcome to our Butch-Femme Definitions Page (blog)". Butch–Femme Network, founded in Massachusetts in 1996. Archived from the original on 10 February 2014. Retrieved 11 October 2012.
  72. ^ Hollibaugh, Amber L. (2000), "Gender warriors", in Hollibaugh, Amber L., ed. (2000). My dangerous desires: a queer girl dreaming her way home. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press. p. 249. ISBN 9780822326250.
  73. ^ Boyd, Helen (2003). My husband Betty: love, sex, and life with a crossdresser. New York: Thunder Mouth Press. p. 64. ISBN 9781560255154.
  74. ^ George, Annie (July 2006). "Reinventing honorable masculinity: discourses from a working-class Indian community". Men and Masculinities. 9 (1): 35–52. doi:10.1177/1097184X04270379.
  75. ^ Kostas, M. (2018). Snow White in Hellenic primary classrooms: Children’s responses to non-traditional gender discourses. Gender and Education 30(4)
  76. ^ Laurie, Timothy; Hickey-Moody, Anna (2017), "Masculinity and ridicule", in Papenburg, Bettina, ed. (2017). Gender: laughter. Farmington Hills, Michigan: Macmillan Reference. pp. 215–228. ISBN 9780028663265.
  77. ^ Bosson, Jennifer K.; Vandello, Joseph A. (April 2011). "Precarious manhood and its links to action and aggression". Current Directions in Psychological Science. 20 (2): 82–86. doi:10.1177/0963721411402669.
  78. ^ Vandello, Joseph A.; Bosson, Jennifer K.; Cohen, Dov; Burnaford, Rochelle M.; Weaver, Jonathan R. (December 2008). "Precarious manhood". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 95 (6): 1325–1339. doi:10.1037/a0012453. PMID 19025286.
  79. ^ Winegard, Bo M.; Winegard, Ben; Geary, David C. (March 2014). "Eastwood's brawn and Einstein's brain: an evolutionary account of dominance, prestige, and precarious manhood". Review of General Psychology. 18 (1): 34–48. doi:10.1037/a0036594.
  80. ^ Keith, Thomas (2017). Masculinities in contemporary American culture: an intersectional approach to the complexities and challenges of male identity. New York: Routledge. pp. 4–5. ISBN 9781317595342.
  81. ^ Halberstam, Judith (1998). "Preface". In Halberstam, Judith (ed.). Female Masculinity. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press. p. xi. ISBN 9780822322436.
  82. ^ Gardiner, Judith Kegan (December 2009). "Female masculinities: a review essay". Men and Masculinities. 11 (5): 622–633. doi:10.1177/1097184X08328448.
    Review of: Pascoe, C.J. (2011). Dude, you're a fag: masculinity and sexuality in high school. California: University of California Press. ISBN 9781283291927.
    and: Harris, Adrienne (2004). Gender as Soft Assembly. Hoboken: Taylor & Francis. ISBN 9780203837849.
  83. ^ Kramer, Zachary A. (2013). "Three tales of female masculinity". Nevada Law Journal. 13 (2): 9.
  84. ^ Girshick, Lori B. (2008), "The social construction of biological facts", in Girshick, Lori B., ed. (April 2009). Transgender voices: beyond women and men. Hanover, New Hampshire: University Press of New England. p. 48. ISBN 9781584656838.
  85. ^ Drydakis, Nick & Sidiropoulou, Katerina & Patnaik, Swetketu & Selmanovic, Sandra & Bozani, Vasiliki, 2017. "Masculine vs Feminine Personality Traits and Women’s Employment Outcomes in Britain: A Field Experiment," GLO Discussion Paper Series 152, Global Labor Organization (GLO).
  86. ^ Paloian, Andrea. "The Female/Athlete Paradox: Managing Traditional Views of Masculinity and Femininity". Applied Psychology Opus. New York University. Retrieved 21 March 2018.
  87. ^ Galdas, Paul M.; Cheater, Francine M.; Marshall, Paul (March 2005). "Men and health help-seeking behaviour: Literature review". Journal of Advanced Nursing. 49 (6): 616–623. doi:10.1111/j.1365-2648.2004.03331.x. PMID 15737222.
  88. ^ Lemle, Russell; Mishkind, Marc E. (1989). "Alcohol and masculinity". Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment. 6 (4): 213–22. doi:10.1016/0740-5472(89)90045-7. PMID 2687480.
  89. ^ Berkowitz, Alan D. (2004). "Alcohol". In Kimmel, Michael S.; Aronson, Amy (eds.). Men and Masculinities: A Social, Cultural, and Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO. pp. 17–18. ISBN 9781576077740.
  90. ^ Stibbe, Arran (July 2004). "Health and the social construction of masculinity in "Men's Health" magazine" (PDF). Men and Masculinities. 7 (1): 31–51. doi:10.1177/1097184X03257441.
  91. ^ a b Strate, Lance (1992), "Beer commercials: a manual on masculinity", in Craig, Steve, ed. (1992-02-26). Men, masculinity and the media. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage. ISBN 9780803941632.
    • Citing:
  92. ^ Strate, Lance (2001). "Beer commercials: a manual on masculinity". In Kimmel, Michael; Messner, Michael (eds.). Men's lives (5th ed.). Boston: Allyn and Bacon. ISBN 9780205321056.
  93. ^ Genevieve Creighton & John L Oliffe (2010) Theorising masculinities and men’s health: A brief history with a view to practice, Health Sociology Review, 19:4, 413, doi: 10.5172/hesr.2010.19.4.409
  94. ^ a b Tosh, John (1999), "Introduction: masculinity and domesticity", in Tosh, John, ed. (1999). A man's place: masculinity and the middle-class home in Victorian England. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. p. 2. ISBN 9780300077797.
  95. ^ Davis, Natalie Z. (Spring–Summer 1976). ""Women's history" in transition: the European case". Feminist Studies. 3 (3–4): 83–103. doi:10.2307/3177729. JSTOR 3177729.
  96. ^ Scott, Joan W. (December 1986). "Gender: a useful category of historical analysis". The American Historical Review. 91 (5): 1053–1075. doi:10.1086/ahr/91.5.1053. JSTOR 1864376.
  97. ^ Bourdieu, Pierre (2001). Masculine domination. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. ISBN 9780745622651.
  98. ^ a b Steedman, Carolyn (1992), "Culture, cultural studies and the historians", in Grossberg, Lawrence; Nelson, Cary; Treichler, Paula, eds. (1992). Cultural studies. New York: Routledge. p. 617. ISBN 9780415903455.
  99. ^ a b c d Tosh, John (2011), "The history of masculinity: an outdated concept?", in Arnold, John H.; Brady, Sean, eds. (2011). What is masculinity?: historical dynamics from antiquity to the contemporary world. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire New York: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 17–34. ISBN 9781137305602.
  100. ^ a b c d Francis, Martin (April 2007). "A flight from commitment? Domesticity, adventure and the masculine imaginary in Britain after the Second World War". Gender & History. 19 (1): 163–185. doi:10.1111/j.1468-0424.2007.00469.x.
  101. ^ Roper, Michael (March 2005). "Slipping out of view: subjectivity and emotion in gender history". History Workshop Journal. 59 (1): 57–72. doi:10.1093/hwj/dbi006.
  102. ^ a b Dudink, Stefan (September 1998). "The trouble with men: Problems in the history of 'masculinity'". European Journal of Cultural Studies. 1 (3): 419–431. doi:10.1177/136754949800100307.
  103. ^ Solomon-Godeau, Abigail (1997). Male trouble: a crisis in representation. New York: Thames and Hudson. ISBN 9780500280379.
  104. ^ Dudink, Stefan (March 2012). "Multipurpose masculinities: gender and power in low countries histories of masculinity". BMGN: Low Countries Historical Review. 127 (1): 5–18. doi:10.18352/bmgn-lchr.1562.
  105. ^ Farrell, Warren; Sterba, James P. (2008). Does feminism discriminate against men?. Oxford New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195312829.
  106. ^ Jackson, Peter (April 1991). "The cultural politics of masculinity: towards a social geography". Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers. 16 (2): 199–213. doi:10.2307/622614. JSTOR 622614.
  107. ^ Grabmeier, Jeff (10 August 2006). "Pressure to be more muscular may lead men to unhealthy behaviors". Ohio State University. Archived from the original on 18 June 2008. Retrieved 29 July 2008.
    See also:
  108. ^ Goode, Erica (25 June 2000). "Thinner: the male battle with anorexia". The New York Times. Retrieved 12 May 2010.
  109. ^ "Magazines 'harm male body image'". BBC News. 28 May 2008. Retrieved 12 May 2010.
  110. ^ Lee, Ian. "Muscle dysmorphia". Ask Men.
  111. ^ "Men muscle in on body image problems". LiveScience. 6 August 2015.
  112. ^ "Magazines 'traditional masculinity harmful'". LA Times. 9 January 2019. Retrieved 13 January 2019.
  113. ^ Lindsey, Linda L. (2015). Gender Roles: A Sociological Perspective. Routledge. p. 70. ISBN 978-1-31-734808-5.
  114. ^ Levant, Ronald F. (1996). "The new psychology of men". Professional Psychology: Research and Practice. 27 (3): 259–265. doi:10.1037/0735-7028.27.3.259.
  115. ^ Worell, Judith (2001). Encyclopedia of Women and Gender: Sex Similarities and Differences and the Impact of Society on Gender. San Diego, California: Academic Press. p. 835. ISBN 978-0122272455.
  116. ^ Hutchinson, Susan L.; Kleiber, Douglas A. (January 2000). "Heroic masculinity following spinal cord injury: Implications for therapeutic recreation practice and research". Therapeutic Recreation Journal. 34 (1).
  117. ^ Martin, Brett A.S.; Gnoth, Juergen (December 2009). "Is the Marlboro man the only alternative? The role of gender identity and self-construal salience in evaluations of male models". Marketing Letters. 20 (4): 353–367. CiteSeerX doi:10.1007/s11002-009-9069-2. Pdf.
  118. ^ Kindlon, Dan; Thompson, Michael (2000), "The road not taken: turning boys away from their inner life", in Kindlon, Dan; Thompson, Michael (eds.), Raising Cain: protecting the emotional life of boys, New York: Ballantine Books, pp. 1–20, ISBN 9780345434852.
  119. ^ Cover, Rob (2014). "Sexual ethics, masculinity and mutual vulnerability: Judith Butler's contribution to an ethics of non-violence". Australian Feminist Studies. 29 (82): 435–451. doi:10.1080/08164649.2014.967741.
  120. ^ Horrocks, Rooger (1994). Masculinities in Crisis: Myths, Fantasies, and Realities. St Martin's Press. ISBN 978-0333593226.
  121. ^ Robinson, Sally (2000). Marked Men: White Masculinity in Crisis. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 5. ISBN 978-0-231-50036-4.
  122. ^ Rogers, Thomas (November 14, 2010). "The dramatic decline of the modern man". Salon. Retrieved June 3, 2012.
  123. ^ a b c Beynon, John (2002), "Masculinities and the notion of 'crisis'", in Beynon, John (ed.), Masculinities and culture, Philadelphia: Open University Press, pp. 75–97, ISBN 978-0-335-19988-4
  124. ^ MacInnes, John (1998). The end of masculinity: the confusion of sexual genesis and sexual difference in modern society. Philadelphia: Open University Press. p. 11. ISBN 978-0-335-19659-3.
  125. ^ Hunt, Leon (1998). British low culture: from safari suits to sexploitation. London, New York: Routledge. p. 73. ISBN 978-0-415-15182-5.
  126. ^ Morioka, Masahiro (September 2013). "A phenomenological study of "Herbivore Men"". The Review of Life Studies. 4: 1–20. Pdf.
  127. ^ 漫游者181. "直男癌是怎樣的症狀?7點符合代表你已癌症末期 | 鍵盤大檸檬 | ETNEWS新聞雲". 鍵盤大檸檬 (in Chinese). Retrieved 2017-07-16.

Further reading[edit]



External links[edit]


  • The Men's Bibliography, a comprehensive bibliography of writing on men, masculinities, gender and sexualities, listing over 16,700 works. (mainly from a constructionist perspective)
  • Boyhood Studies, features a 2200+ bibliography of young masculinities.